Pascal
Bruckner
Translation by Douglas
French original: "L'ivresse
du seul contre tous"
(Pascal Bruckner, Le Monde, 2004/01/28)
The
crisis between France and America that the Iraq war began is not close
to abatement. Fostered in various quarters at the highest levels, it
is beginning to look like a genuine break-up, despite a few mutual gestures
of appeasement.
Still,
if this cleavage is to become permanent it won't have the same consequences
for both partners. A year ago, Paris did not simply work for peace -
a perfectly defensible position in itself as no one has found any weapons
of mass destruction yet Paris worked above all against America.
The promise president Chirac made to use his veto whatever the circumstances,
the dismissal of Tony Blair, who was at one point tempted to extricate
himself from the conflict, the tour of parlors in Africa and elsewhere
in the aim of instigating the largest possible riot of votes at the
UN demonstrated genuine activism against an ally. When we might have
abstained, we strove body and soul to stab our ally in the back.
Long
ago, court intellectuals, sovereigntists or former-leftists who provided
the ministry of Foreign Affairs and the presidential palace with official
doctrines, foresaw this break-up, which was also desired by the far
right. Indeed, scarcely a month or a week goes by that some specialist,
former minister or journalist doesn't castigate the "hyper-power"
and its supposed imminent decline. Under these circumstances, we shouldn't
be surprised that
the highest authorities speak to us of America both in the way that
les Guignols de l'info [a satirical current events puppet-show] ridicule
the "World Company" [a name given to CNN] and. like the communists
Jacques Duclos or Georges Marchais during the Cold War. Attacking the
United States day and night, remaining subservient to them by virtue
of the hatred one devotes to them, is an odd way to rid oneself of them!
To
our chagrin, we are very much alone in our rebellion against the Yankee
Empire. There still exists a majority of countries in Europe for whom
the radical break with Washington is not self evident (especially when
we are waiting for America's economy to restart our own) and for whom
allegiance to Moscow remains problematic.
Even
our confederates in the peace camp, Germany and Russia, are not trustworthy
and do not wish to burn the bridges to Washington to please the little
Gallic rooster.
France
takes itself for Europe when she is only France and when a majority
of our neighbors mistrust us, exasperated by our vanity, our conceit.
They aren't taken in by our rebellion against the United States. They
know that this is motivated less by divergent views than by the similarity
of our attitudes. France hates America because it resembles her too
much and shares her faults: the same arrogance, the same pretenses,
the same mix of moralism and cynicism only without the means of force.
We
chastise Spain, guilty of having turned its back on us during the Gulf
war, in the matter of the Perpignan-Barcelona high-speed train. We fustigate
England and roast Poland. We pull Italy's ear. In sum, we behave with
our European partners like a schoolmarm, keeper of the Supreme Good.
Whence
this politics of resentment, masked beneath a respect for law and which,
for the defense of freedom and democracy, substitutes that of identity,
posed as a supreme value.
France's
"no" to war has been interpreted as a movement of rebellion
against the diktats of the White House. In fact, it is a rebellion against
any form of limit on power, including communal ones. It was as if, in
breaking its transatlantic ties, France also unburdened itself by a
sort of chain reaction of its obligations to Europe. It is contravening
Brussels' regulations, trampling on the treaties it has signed and,
like George Bush's administration,
demanding that others obey the laws that it has itself flouted.
This
too is a strange way of shoring up this European counter-power that
we rightly wish to oppose to American hegemony. The problem is that
contemporary France, this nation of shareholders who take themselves
for heroes, has no ambition greater than itself (save confiscating the
European project for her own benefit). Isolated in its splendid (in)sufficiency,
obsessed with its lost grandeur, France has the contradictory wish to
make history without getting its hands dirty, to enjoy the double status
of disinterested spectator and lesson-giver for all.
America
acts, perhaps badly, but at least it does something and sometimes gets
results while France gesticulates, vituperates to hide its profound
inertia. What awaits us if we continue down this path is a growing provincialism
coupled with a shaggy lyricism: gilded and bloating.
The
worst turn the United States could do us would not be to punish us but
to shun us. The intoxication of being alone against the world is bad
counsel, especially when it comes, as is the case today, with a serious
internal crisis.
Our
dearer interest requires us to remain associated with the nations to
which we are close and with which we share a basis of common values
and memories. This would also imply adopting a more subtle attitude
to Washington than that dictated by mimetic rivalry and jealousy, even
if cloaked in the rhetoric of "multi-lateralism." A conflicted
partnership is better than a sterile isolation. America and Europe can
do without France. Is the reverse also true?
Pascal
Bruckner is an author.
ARTICLE
PUBLISHED IN THE 29.01.04 EDITION